HATE ÜBER ALLES:

THE RED, WHITE, AND BLUE OF POVERTY, CRIME, AND RACIAL VIOLENCE

Research has found substantial racial disparities in homicide victimisation and offending rates in the United States. One finding is that negroes were six times more likely than non-negroes to commit murder and 12 times more likely to murder someone of another race than to be murdered by someone of another race. Some may attribute this disparity to poverty; however, data also disprove this explanation. While middle-class negros experience far lower rates of violent crime than low-income negros, data demonstrate that middle-class negroes neighborhoods and populations experience substantially higher homicide rates than even the poorest drug-addicted and welfare-dependent White neighborhoods.

As expected, this is especially true regarding gun homicide, compared to poor White neighbourhoods and populations. This pattern holds across multiple analyses comparing areas with similar socioeconomic status (SES). Overall, negroid-White homicide disparities are large and longstanding. SES reduces but does not eliminate them. Contrary to the claims of the Jewish liberal coterie, it’s not poverty and “systemic oppression” that causes crime but something more fundamental. During the antebellum epoch, Negroes were considered high-value cattle, while poor Scots-Irish (who were called crackers) indentured servants were considered a mule, as reflected in the slave song: “I’d druther be a Nigger, an’ plow ole Beck / Dan a white Hill Billy wid his long red neck!” To quote the great Johnnie Lee Cochran during the trial of the moshe and mud-shark murdering maniac O.J. Simpson, “If the glove doesn’t fit, you must acquit!”

In fact, View Park-Windsor Hills, which is a predominantly upper-middle-class and negro suburb of Los Angeles, CA, has a substantially higher rate of violent crime compared to one of the poorest places in the United States, Beattyville, KY. Beattyville, KY, has a violent crime rate that, according to FBI/UCR and aggregator data, typically ranges from 0 to 93 per 100,000, often approaching zero in a given year, with almost zero murders per year. Despite being a White slum, this Appalachian town is actually safer than the large majority of U.S. communities of similar size, with property crime and overall crime rates well below national averages. View Park–Windsor Hills, on the other hand, has median incomes well above the national average, high homeownership, and is frequently ranked among the most affluent predominantly negro communities, yet violent crime estimates vary by source and are substantially higher than the stats of welfare-dependent and drug-addled Beattyville.

One detailed breakdown shows violent crime at around 1,084 per 100,000, well above national averages, with murder estimated at roughly 9.4 per 100,000. Other sources place the violent crime rate lower, with estimates around 185 per 100,000 in some compilations, but still elevated relative to national figures and far above redneck capital of Beattyville. Murder rate estimates put it somewhat above the national average, at around 8 per 100,000 in some data, while property crime is also higher than in Beattyville in most available comparisons! The juxtaposition between Beattyville and View Park–Windsor Hills sinks liberal claims faster than Nolan Wells. If poverty alone were the primary determinant of violent crime, one would expect an impoverished Appalachian community such as Beattyville to experience substantially higher levels of homicide and violent crime than an affluent, predominantly Black suburb such as View Park–Windsor Hills. Yet the available figures complicate that assumption. The contrast demonstrates that socioeconomic status alone cannot account for every disparity in violent crime. Neighbourhood conditions, family structure, demographics, patterns of social disorder, and the concentration of violence within particular communities must also be considered.

Like Beattyville and many other small Appalachian communities, McDowell County is yet another White ghetto in the scenic Appalachian Mountains, dotted with trailer parkers, idleness, fentanyl abuse, and welfare parasites. Yet violent crime, especially homicide, is generally low relative to suburbs where the negroid middle class thrives. Prince George’s County, Maryland, is not only a historic and prominent suburban hub for the negro middle class in the United States, but also surpasses McDowell County’s homicide rate of 0 and 2 murders annually, with homicides exceeding 100 in multiple recent years. DeSoto, Lancaster, Cedar Hill, and Duncanville (south of Dallas) became major destinations for the negro middle class in recent decades.

These areas have higher median incomes and lower poverty rates than the poorest White rural counties. Yet, local and regional crime patterns often show higher violent crime exposure than Notre Dame, Indiana, which has a poverty rate of almost 50% despite being 75% White. A large number of studies have examined the relationship between the percentage of negro population in an area and crime. Almost all have found a higher percentage of negro in the area, regardless of socio-economic background, to be associated with more violent crime, and most have found such a relationship with other types of crime. The same pattern persists with Atlanta’s Collier and Cascade Heights, which have experienced crime rates that trend above the Ozarks, the Haiti of the White man. The bourgeosie negro Heights usually have 15 to 30+ homicides per 100,000 residents depending on the year, compared to the impoverished Ozarks, which have 0 and 8 per 100,000 residents annually. If poverty were the decisive factor, the ranking should be reversed. The contrast indicates that socioeconomic status alone cannot account for the disparity.

Most violent crime, homicide in particular, is intraracial. Obviously, Black victims are statistically more likely to be killed by Black offenders in the large majority of cases, and the same pattern holds for White victims. This is not particularly surprising, given that violent crime is overwhelmingly committed between people who live in the same communities, know one another, or otherwise share the same social environment. Homicide is therefore less a phenomenon of random interracial violence than one concentrated within particular neighbourhoods, families, social networks, and demographic groups. Yet there is a massive disparity in per-capita rates regarding violent crimes that cross racial lines. And no, it’s sadly not Moonman and the boys in Triple K spraying South Fulton, Georgia, with Zyklon B. The negroid were 2.25 times more likely to commit an officially classified hate crime against Whites and Hispanics than the reverse. This fact is not known because the truth is hate speech to those who hate the truth.

Ace of Spades:

The media was argued to give undue emphasis to official hate crimes as compared to the much more common interracial crimes. Another stated bias was regarding reporting crimes by Whites against Blacks, as compared to reporting crimes by Blacks against Whites. A White-on-Black crime was 28 times more likely to be classified as a hate crime than a Black-on-White crime, with hundreds of cases documented in more than 100 cities, as well as cover-ups by police, politicians, and the national news media. A multitude of these cases were documented by Colin Flaherty in his book “White Girl Bleed a Lot: The Return of Racial Violence to America and How the Media Ignore It”. Additionally, FBI data have consistently found that Black offenders violently victimised White victims at a rate ten times higher than the rate at which White offenders victimised Negro victims. Across the country, black-on-white crime is an epidemic.

Even the crime of greeting a negro while White could warrant violence. In North Carolina, Di-Quan Hunt, the typical specimen of the “Watermelon Felon” (homo Floydius), was involved in a livestreamed attack, with one victim being beaten unconscious. Jail records show a pattern of release for at least 9 previous offences that range from probation violations to assault with a deadly weapon. Just from December 2012 through June 2019 alone, he was arrested on three separate occasions for assaulting a female and three times for violating domestic-violence protective orders. He was also arrested for discharging a firearm within the city and for causing damage to personal property. Similar to Hunt, the negro Dahseir Edward Jefferson assaulted two White victims. In this case, both victims were elderly, with one victim, a cancer survivor, bleeding to death after he broke part of her dentures and left her unconscious.

In July, there were thirty-one known black-on-white homicides; however, due to media blackouts and reporting, there may be significantly more. Notable cases include a Florida Walmart parking dispute that left Army veteran dead after he was shot by a negress; a White woman who was shot at an apartment after meeting a negro, a White mother who was killed and buryied in a negro’s backyard. There were also three apartment-complex employees who were killed by an illegal immigrant from Ethiopia, a White father of four who was shot to death; a police officer who was killed by a Haitian invader while serving a warrant, three cousins who were shot in Florida, and an elderly White woman who was brutally stabbed in a random attack outside a California mall by a Black teenager.

Race War:

Despite the end of Jim Crow, racial hatred and resentment did not magically disappear. From October 1973 to April 1974, a string of racially motivated murders and related attacks committed by a cadre of four Black Muslim serial killers terrorised the predominantly White city of San Francisco, California. What later became known as the “Zebra” murders resulted in a range of 80 to 270 victims being killed and countless others wounded, according to commonly cited accounts. The attacks were particularly notorious because the perpetrators selected victims based on race, turning seemingly ordinary encounters in the city into opportunities for random violence. The murders generated widespread fear throughout San Francisco, particularly among White residents, and prompted an extensive police investigation that ultimately led to the arrest and conviction of several members of the group. The case remains one of the more notorious examples of racially motivated violence in post-Jim Crow America.

A close second to the Zebra Murders would be the Wichita Massacre, a Black-on-white rape and murder attack on five people 10 days before Christmas in the year 2000. Two negro brothers (yes, in the literal sense) targeted five White victims, with only one victim surviving. According to the account, the negro Reginald Carr, who had recently been released from prison, and his younger brother Jonathan invaded a residence in a White middle-class neighborhood and abducted five White victims, including two teachers, a married couple, and a priest. After forcing themselves into the house, the After forcing their way into the house, the Carrs raped the five before abducting them at gunpoint and driving them around in two cars, forcing them to withdraw money from ATMs. They then took the victims to a soccer field and forced them to kneel in the snow, where the victims were stripped and executed. Luckily, one of the women, who contracted an STD from the rape, managed to run to the nearest house before she could bleed to death, which subsequently led to their arrest. Of course, the unelected liberal Jewdicial system protected the Carrs because they were negros who killed Whites. Not to recycle another trite talking point from the Boomer conservatives, but if the roles were reversed, the killers would have been automatically executed.

While he was a brutal dictator, the Great Emancipator, Abraham Lincoln was correct when he proclaimed: “There are physical differences between the two races which I feel will forever forbid the two races ever living together politically or socially”! The colour barrier reaches beyond socio-economic status and is so vast that it is inevitable there will be conflict. A study conducted by the liberal Prof. Robert Putnam and Harvard University, involving 30,000 respondents across 41 U.S. communities, found that ethnic diversity was associated with lower levels of neighborhood trust and weaker expectations of reciprocity, even after adjusting for socioeconomic factors. People living in more diverse communities were more likely to “hunker down”, participating less in community life and expressing trust in fewer groups. Even former advisor to John F. Kennedy, Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., acknowledged the downsides of multiculturalism in his book The Disuniting of America: Reflections on a Multicultural Society. When will the White working class start acknowledging the downsides?

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