LET'S HAVE A WAR:

THE ETERNAL CALL TO ARMS!

Well, Benjamin Netanyahu and his henchman and fellow Jew, Volodymyr “Zyklon” Zelenskyy, have visited their most loyal vassal state: the United States. The occasion? To honour their fallen golem, Lindsey “Ladybug” Graham, who cackled as Lebanese Christians were being slaughtered. Despite Lindsey Graham’s death, the globalist and Zionist cabal are hardly bereft of corrupt politicians eager to carry out their bidding. Despite Graham’s death, Benjamin Netanyahu and lapdog Volodymyr Zelenskyy have no shortage of corrupt politicians to do their bidding. Nor is the war machine likely to slow down anytime soon despite soaring gas prices, with attacks in Jordan, rejected peace proposals in Oman, and threats from the “Orange Sheikh of Little Saint James” himself, Donald Trump. This is not what the American people voted for. The 2016 triumph of the Trump campaign represented a rejection of neoconservative foreign policy and the interventionist politics that had dominated Washington for decades. Yet the GOP is busy grooming a neoconservative and technocratic successor to Trump while simultaneously stabbing the American people in the back by pushing through yet another amnesty or avoiding arresting Epstien’s clients. At most, they will humiliate the Shapardic Jew Fauci but never punish him for his crimes. This treachery is expected from the Democrats and the hordes of spiteful mutants that comprise the left, homosexuals, Jews, and the multitude of colours. However, this so-called right has done nothing to resist the dysgenic spirit of modernity. Even Mussolini, whose 143rd birth anniversary was recently observed, despite his many admirable qualities, remained confined within the liberal paradigm, never fully transcending the delusions of liberalism.

The only solution for the predominantly White middle-class radical (MARs), particularly in Generation Z, is to reject the political establishment that has abandoned them and build a movement capable of restoring economic security, cultural confidence, and a sense of national purpose. We must remain resilient, like a Confederate guerrilla resisting Northern tyranny or a Romanian legionnaire resisting the rising tide of communism. As Patrick Henry famously declared: “Caesar had his Brutus, Charles the First his Cromwell; and George the Third — [“Treason!” cried the Speaker] — may profit by their example. If this be treason, make the most of it.” The renewal of a people cannot begin solely through political action; it must begin with the renewal of the individual. A civilisation cannot be rebuilt by those who remain enslaved to comfort, distraction, and their own weaknesses. Before a nation can reclaim its sovereignty, its people must first reclaim sovereignty over themselves. This requires a return to discipline: the cultivation of strength, restraint, and character.

As Julius Evola argued through the concept of the “aristocrat of the soul”, true nobility is not merely inherited through blood or status but achieved through mastery of oneself. Much like the anarch described in Jünger’s magnum opus Eumeswil, the aristocrat of the soul is the individual who rises above the impulses of the age, who possesses the will to command himself before seeking to command the world around him. Similarly, Nietzsche proposed an alternative to the passive consumerism produced by the disintegration of the moral order that Christianity had shaped for centuries. Against the decline into nihilism and complacency, he envisioned the Übermensch, or Overman: an individual who refuses to be governed solely by inherited values and instead undertakes the arduous task of creating new ones. The Overman is not a symbol of brute domination but of self-mastery, creativity, and the ability to transform inner disorder into a higher form of existence.

Holy Wars:

Yet Nietzsche’s flaw, besides philosemticism (to love or to be indifferent towards the Jew is to have a burning hatred for civilisation, the nuclear family, and all that is good), was the denial of any absolute truth or “thing-in-itself ”, because the denial of absolute truth is itself treated as an absolute. The nihilist is not a passive agnostic but an anti-theist actively waging war against God, a spiritual state rather than mere intellectual freedom. Seraphim Rose, the philosopher-saint, observed that genuine existential atheism, burning with resentment toward a seemingly unjust God, can itself become the kind of warfare described in Ephesians 6:12 that ultimately leads one toward a vision of the true God. Nietzsche’s self-identification as the Antichrist, rather than representing mere indifference toward Christianity, revealed a profound struggle with and intense longing for the figure of Christ. This revelation is not surprising on the account that true norms derive from a hierarchical metaphysical reality that precedes the individual. The world is structured according to degrees of being: the solar, aristocratic, warrior, and sacred principles stand above the lunar, democratic, and material. In many respects, pre-Reformation Christianity embodied this hierarchical vision of reality as made evident in Genesis 1:4-6.

However, Christianity calls man to asceticism: a life of continuous prayer, repentance, and spiritual combat, directed toward restoring the image of God within the human person (theosis). Rather than seeking self-indulgence or worldly gratification, the ascetic strives for self-mastery through humility, discipline, and communion with God. Much like Evola’s differentiated man, detached from the turbulence of the temporal world, many modern Christians have withdrawn into their churches and barred the doors while the barbarians march ever closer, torches in hand, prepared to consign the sacred to the flames. This is hardly surprising, for Christianity’s central moral imperatives are to “turn the other cheek”, “love your enemies”, and affirm that “the meek shall inherit the earth.” This axiom is inherently anti-civilisational, for when confronted by aggressive and hostile ideologies, a morality rooted in submissiveness and guilt renders a population incapable of effective self-defence.

Just as in conservatism, both the Christian, including traditionalists such as the Eastern Orthodox and more conservative Catholics of the Eastern rites and the Tridentine tradition, and the Evolian aristocratic esotericist have become little more than beautiful losers, retreating into private virtue while refusing to connect their particular elitism with either the existing elites or the aspiring elites who might have given it political force and made it the bearer of their values. Both have withdrawn from the struggle for power, preferring moral or spiritual purity to the difficult task of shaping civilisation itself. The irony is that, while Evola correctly lambasted Christianity for shifting salvation entirely to a transcendent Savior (”Jesus saves, human effort cannot”), thereby weakening the aristocratic “solar” or “warrior” spirit of disciplined action and self-mastery, the differentiated man often became as detached from history as the monk in his monastery, leaving the battlefield to his enemies. The Nationalist position of Christianity is one historical form that contained valuable hierarchical and ascetic elements, but those elements could later become subversive and therefore detached from the ethics that weaken collective self-defence.

Crusader:

The crisis is not only political. It is also spiritual and characterological. The same weaknesses that hollowed out earlier attempts to defend a civilisation now appear in the modern nationalist and dissident movements that claim to resist decline. Just as the Crusades, for all their genuine moments of heroism and sacred purpose, were repeatedly undermined by petty rivalries, personal ambition, and the scramble for plunder and titles, so too do many contemporary efforts fracture under ego, grifting, status-seeking, and the inability to subordinate the individual will to a higher end. Correct diagnosis of the enemy is not enough when the ranks remain disordered.

What is required is a synthesis that neither retreats into pure private virtue nor collapses into undisciplined power-seeking. The aristocrat of the soul — the figure who has first mastered himself — must not remain a beautiful loser, content with detachment while the world is remade by those who have no such restraints. Nor can a movement survive if it merely inverts the current order without imposing form, hierarchy, and discipline upon itself. The Christian tradition, at its best, offered ascetic combat and hierarchical order; at its worst, it taught a meekness that disarmed its adherents. The Evolian and martial traditions offered the solar ideal of self-command; too often they produced only refined withdrawal. Both tendencies, when severed from the concrete task of defending and renewing a people, end in the same place: purity without power, and therefore powerlessness.

The White middle-class radical, particularly of the younger generation, faces a double demand. He must reject the political establishment that has abandoned him, and he must also reject the internal vices that have doomed previous rebellions. Discipline, restraint, and the cultivation of character are not optional ornaments. They are the precondition for any lasting restoration. Without them, every new movement will repeat the old pattern: high rhetoric, followed by faction, corruption, and defeat. The alternative is the slow formation of men capable of commanding themselves first — and only then of contending for the future of their civilisation.

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