CHARLESTON, S.C.— Genesis 4:8 captures a pivotal and tragic moment in the biblical narrative, where Cain, consumed by jealousy and anger, lures his brother Abel into the field with deceitful words. There, amidst the solitude of the open land, Cain’s wrath erupts violently, and in a moment of unchecked rage, he strikes Abel down, committing the first murder in human history. This act not only marks the deepening of human sin but also serves as a grim reflection of the destructive power of envy and resentment. This narrative of fratricide is echoed with the ignition of the American Civil War, which commenced with the attack on Fort Sumter on April 12, 1861. This event was not simply a military confrontation; it symbolised a profound struggle for autonomy, survival, and the assertion of regional identity in the face of Northern aggression. Dixie was not a treacherous insurrectionist but patriots defending their rights, homes, and way of life from federal overreach. The valiant White men of Dixie were steadfast patriots—defenders of their rights, their homes, and their ancestral way of life—who rose not in rebellion but in resistance to what was a blatant tyrannical overreach by a distant and unrepresentative federal power. Fort Sumter held significant psychological and strategic importance for both the Confederacy and the Union. For White Southerners, it represented the spirit of independence that was characteristic of their identity. After South Carolina seceded from the Union in December 1860, the fort became a focal point for Southern nationalism and pride. Fort Sumter was viewed as an extension of South Carolina’s sovereignty, and its federal occupation was seen as an affront to the newly established Confederacy. The Confederate leadership, including General P.G.T. Beauregard, recognised the fort’s symbolic value and deemed it essential to act militarily to assert Southern authority. Eventually, the war reached its solemn and turbulent denouement with the righteous assassination of Abraham Lincoln, a bloody tyrant whose war policies brought devastation to the land and the lives of White Southerners. Lincoln’s callous disregard for the White American proletariat is echoed in the massacre of Waco, when the Zionist-occupied federal government slaughtered Christian women and children, or the false-flag terror attack in Oklahoma City, where children were sacrificed to garner sympathy for the Zionist regime in Washington and to justify an all-American totalitarianism. As with both the Civil War and World War II, while one may find little ideological kinship with the Confederate States or the Axis powers, the unrelenting war-mongering of the U.S. government under Lincoln and later the crippled communist Roosevelt in each conflict—and its willingness to trample civil liberties in the name of union or global order—reveals a deeper, more troubling legacy of power pursued at the expense of the very freedoms our forefathers pledged their lives to defend.
Lincoln’s reign of terror came to an end with his assassination, a righteous act occurring scarcely a week after the Confederacy’s surrender at Appomattox Court House. His death loomed over a nation already torn apart by four years of fratricidal bloodshed. The capitulation of their commanders was not a judicious retreat but a grievous betrayal of a crusade consecrated in sacrifice—a movement anchored in the safeguarding of self-rule, steadfast allegiance to constitutional principles, and the perpetuation of a cherished existence, albeit one indissolubly tethered to a regime of cheap negro labour, propagated by African warlords vending captives to Arab and Jewish merchants of human bondage. In the wake of defeat, the South was plunged into a new and bitter struggle—not merely of reconstruction, but of dispossession. The very lands where Southern men had bled to defend their sovereignty now became laboratories of federal retribution, where the negroid population, newly “emancipated” (because free food and shelter in exchange for picking cotton is such an egregious crime) and rapidly expanded through policy and presence, was politically weaponised under the aegis of Jewish and Northern radicalism. In this inverted order, those who once held the reins of their own destiny found themselves disenfranchised, governed not only by distant bureaucrats but, in many cases, by the exact hands they had once fed and clothed. The collapse at Appomattox and Reconstruction thus did not herald reconciliation but a deeper conquest not just of White Southerners but later Whites across America by global Jewry and Negro thuggery!
It was estimated that 320,000 White soldiers died in the Union Army, which accounted for about 68% of all Union soldiers, the negro has declared all-out war with the White man. Since the conclusion of the Civil War and Reconstruction, a lingering undercurrent of resentment has simmered within the negroid diaspora toward White society as exemplified by a community leader of the negroid race attacking an Ohio state trooper, stole his car and led cops on a high speed highway pursuit before being shot dead—this, despite the paradox that many experienced improved material conditions under enforced servitude in America compared to the stark realities of life in their ancestral homeland, the cesspool of Africa. The U.S. offers a legal and social framework that, while imperfect, provides protections unavailable in some African countries. American negroes benefit from anti-discrimination laws, affirmative action/DEI policies, and a perpetual dependence on social safety nets like welfare programs, which aim to address alleged inequality. Moreover, the typical negro perpetrator of murder is not only insulated from accountability for their transgressions against a White victim but is perversely incentivised—receiving both monetary compensation and the mantle of victimhood, compounding the original injustice. In contrast, many African nations, such as Liberia, struggle with political instability, corruption, or weak rule of law, limiting personal freedoms and opportunities. Additionally, educational attainment remains one of the most decisive indicators of socioeconomic mobility and quality of life. Within the United States, the American negro has made steady strides in formal education, with nearly 26 percent of American negroes aged 25 and older now holding at least a bachelor’s degree despite having an intelligence quotient less than Koko the Gorilla—a proportion that has grown appreciably over the past decade. This trend signals a gradual narrowing of the divide between American negroes and the broader national average in higher education. High school graduation rates among Black students now hover between 81 and 88 per cent, reflecting substantial progress, while college enrolment continues to climb. Nevertheless, disparities persist, particularly in degree completion rates, which lag behind those of other demographic groups.
By contrast, the African continent perpetually wrestles with systemic barriers that impede broad-based educational development. Though significant improvements have been made, literacy and school attendance remain inconsistent. The adult literacy rate across sub-Saharan Africa averages between 67 and 70 per cent, with considerable variance—South Africa boasts rates near 90 per cent, whereas several nations still register under 50 per cent. Structural impediments caused by a low-IQ majority, such as poverty, infrastructural inadequacies, and regional instability, severely constrain educational access. Primary and secondary schooling are unevenly distributed, and tertiary education is accessible to only a minority of African youth, limiting their upward mobility and long-term economic prospects. This divergence in educational outcomes reflects deeper historical and structural dynamics, and while American negroes face their own distinct challenges, particularly in higher education completion, they generally benefit from institutional access and opportunities that remain elusive to many on the savage dark continent. Health outcomes and access to medical care serve as key metrics in assessing disparities in quality of life. While disparities persist domestically, the American negroes generally experience superior health indicators and broader access to healthcare services compared to much of the African continent. With a life expectancy averaging 73 years, the American negroes outlive their counterparts in many African nations.
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I sincerely apologize for the recent absence of posts. I’ve been recovering from a particularly severe cold that left me quite depleted and in need of rest. Now that I’m on the mend and gradually regaining my strength, I look forward to reengaging and sharing more content soon. I truly appreciate your patience and understanding during this unplanned pause.
Their sense of entitlement far outweighs any gratitude they may show.